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Photo Copyright. 1915, by The International News Service 

GENERAL FRIEDRICH von BERNHARDI 



GERMANY AND 
ENGLAND 



BY 

FRIEDRICH VON BERNHARDI 

GENERAL OF CAVALRY 

AUTHOR OF 
" GERMANY AND THE NEXT WAR," " OtTR FUTURE," ETC. 




» o 



G. W. DILLINGHAM COMPANY 

PUBLISHERS NEW YORK 



^^> 



Copyright, igis, by 
Friedrich von Bern-hardi 



Germany and England 



f-WR 30 !9(5 

iyaA3»8l48 




GERMANY AND ENGLAND 

CHAPTER I 

ROM many letters which have 
come to me from the United 
States and from American 
newspapers, I observe that my books, 
"Germany and the Next War,'' and 
''Our Future," are being used in the 
United States by the press for the pur- 
pose of stirring up public opinion 
against Germany as the Power really 
responsible for the world war. 

It is alleged that I had, in a frivolous 



GERMANY AND ENGLAND 

manner, argued for war; that I had 
pictured war, and especially war of con- 
quest, as a necessary, and, indeed, the 
most reliable, instrument of statesman- 
ship ; that I had preached a war against 
England; had proclaimed that the de- 
struction of the British world-empire 
was a world necessity, and that I had 
put forward as the essential aim of 
German statesmanship the erection of 
a German world-domination. 

Thus I am accused of being a partici- 
pant in the guilt that lies upon those 
who began the struggle now shaking 
the world, a struggle which, therefore, 
is declared to have its root and origin 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

in the unheard of and unjustified claims 
to power on the part of Germany — in 
her world-threatening militarism. Even 
such innocent remarks as that the 
Germans with the Irish represent in 
the United States a political power 
which an administration must take into 
account are represented as though by 
this simple statement of fact I had in- 
tended to point out the possibility of 
dominating America's foreign policy in 
the interest of Germany. 

All this rests upon an absolutely 
erroneous understanding of what I 
have written; nothing like it can be 
read out of my books unless one tears 

5 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

out of their context certain details and 
mistranslates other details. 

I confess that sometimes one really 
feels tempted to yield to the belief that 
such a misleading interpretation of my 
words is the work of conscious error, 
for whoever reads what I have written 
consecutively and without bias must — 
if he is an honest seeker after the truth 
— arrive at a conception entirely dif- 
ferent to that which seems to have be- 
come current in America. 

I have indeed proved, I think, that 
war is a necessity in the life of nations 
— notwithstanding that it carries in its 
train unspeakable misery; notwith- 

6 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

standing that often it allows the lower 
instincts of the human being to assert 
themselves; for, on the other hand, all 
the noble characteristics of human na- 
ture, most noble of all the unselfish 
devotion to an ideal, the spirit of self- 
sacrifice in the service of that ideal, are 
in war exhibited. Demonstration of 
the possession of these high qualities 
by a nation would naturally lead it to 
the place of influence it deserved in 
the world, thus inuring to the further- 
ance of the cause of civilization and 
humanity. This I have proved, alike 
from a study of history and from a 
consideration of the nature of man, 



GERMANY AND ENGLAND 

from a comparison of national charac- 
teristics and ideals, from a scrutiny of 
the issues of the law of combat in all 
natural development. I have claimed 
that thus war has in history justified 
itself and would in the future continue 
so to do. 

But, on the other hand, war is justi- 
fied only when peaceful means fail. I 
have always, and just as emphatically, 
pointed out that war, and especially war 
of conquest, must be held an extraordi- 
nary means of politics; that it is justi- 
fied only when waged for the highest 
interests and ideals of a nation and af- 
ter all peaceful means of safeguarding 

8 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

those highest interests have been ex- 
hausted. I have emphasized in the 
most pointed manner the moral requi- 
sites in connection with a political use 
of warfare, and have especially and at 
length dwelt upon the enormity of the 
responsibility of him who begins a war. 
How despicable are wars waged for 
frivolous or purely material purposes 
— this I have not failed to declare ; how, 
on the other hand, the highest interests 
of a nation must never be sacrificed 
to nerveless or slothful love of peace — 
that I have not failed to assert. From 
the standpoint of the historian and the 
philosopher I admit it to be my opinion 

9 



GE RMANY AND ENGLA ND 

that it may be not only the right, but, 
under certain circumstances, the duty 
of a free nation, to seize arms anc to 
submit itself to all the external misery 
of war in order that it may safeguard 
that which for it is the highest and 
most holy. 

I should think that in a very special 
way the American people, who won 
their liberty in a conflict against Eng- 
land, and who achieved the acknowl- 
edged sovereignty of the Federal Union 
only through the heroic struggle in 
which two sincere interpretations of 
the American Constitution gloriously 
contended on the battlefields of '6i-'65, 

lo 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

would have a lively understanding of 
this view. 

Can it be believed that Americans, 
heirs of this tradition of the necessity 
of warfare, would see the development 
of their nation interfered with, its des- 
tiny thwarted, for instance, by the vio- 
lation of the Monroe Doctrine, the de- 
nial of American authority over the 
Panama Canal or by attack upon its 
insular possessions, without resorting 
to arms for the protection of its vital 
interests ? Can it be doubted then that 
America must have in its heart a sym- 
pathetic understanding, when once it 
has heard the truth concerning it, of 

II 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

the position of Germany and the beha- 
vior of Germany — Germany, threat- 
ened from all sides; Germany, whose 
"militarism'* has only the purpose of 
enabling her to ward off the attacks of 
enemies who would instantly over- 
power the defenseless? 

It is from this standpoint that my 
books, therefore, maintained that war 
may, under certain circumstances, be- 
come necessary, and pointed out in par- 
ticular that a war between Germany 
and England was in all probability in- 
evitable; pointed out the necessity that, 
such being the case, Germany must 
prepare herself both from the political 

12 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

and the military standpoint, for the 
possibility. 

It was by no means from the assump- 
tion that the destruction of English 
world-domination is a preliminary con- 
dition necessary for the natural devel- 
opment of Germany that I deduced the 
inevitability of such a war; much less 
from an assumption that Germany 
could attain a world-domination, justly 
due her, only upon the ruins of the 
British Empire. 

The exact opposite is the case. 

I showed that our Fatherland would 
and could very well satisfy all its in- 
terests alongside of England, and that 

13 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

it would far prefer to live in peace with 
England. I expressed this most explic- 
itly. I admitted, indeed, that peaceful 
development, the one alongside of the 
other, however desirable, was not a his- 
toric probability, for the reason that 
England would not have it that way, 
but would force us into conflict. 



14 



CHAPTER II 

I PROVED from history that dur- 
ing recent centuries it had been 
England's aim to play the Euro- 
pean states against each other; that it 
had always made anxious efforts to 
maintain equiHbrium among those 
states, never tolerating that any should 
rise to a position of power that might 
become dangerous to England herself; 
that England had developed her naval 
power to its imposing strength in order 
to be able to control, and under circum- 
stances limit, the overseas relations of 

15 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

the continental European states, if they 
should ever appear to threaten Eng- 
land's interests. 

I deduced that this policy would in 
all probability be carried out with re- 
spect to Germany, in view of the fact 
that Germany's commerce and Ger- 
many's marine had shown a develop- 
ment threatening even for England. 
Evidences of these anti-German pur- 
poses were to be found a-plenty. In 
East Africa England had prevented the 
natural roundin.^ out of our colonial 
possessions. 

When the Morocco question arose, 
though we violated no right in Eng- 

i6 



X 



GERMANY AND ENGLAND 

land, this policy met and faced us; in 
our railway policy in Asia Minor it 
crossed our purposes without a shadow 
of justification or right; everywhere 
the English have undertaken to limit 
our national development, and throw 
our allies aside from us. 

And, always, in order to avoid war, 
we have retired; always we have at- 
tempted to direct the development of 
our economic and political necessities 
alongside of England and not against 
England — that is the truth. 

England is determined to crush Ger- 
many's rise. In view of the whole po- 
litical scene as it had developed when I 

17 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

wrote my books; in view, especially, of 
the English-French-Russian Entente, 
which manifestly was prosecuting posi- 
tive purposes, I had reached the convic- 
tion that England would in the future, 
as it had done in the past, and if neces- 
sary with brute force, prevent any ex- 
tension of Germany's power. That, for 
this reason, war must sooner or later 
come — ^not because we desired to de- 
stroy the English world-empire, but, on 
the contrary, because England would 
endeavor by force to prevent us devel- 
oping alongside of herself into a real 
world power — that was my conviction. 
Even from purely military reasons 

i8 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

it was most unlikely — or rather it was 
out of th« question — that we should 
ever have thought of attacking Eng- 
land. I put this very clearly in my book 
"'Germany and the Next War" — a fact 
which of course is not mentioned in the 
press campaign for England. For, 
while England is in a position to do us 
very heavy damage without any risk 
to herself by bringing to a stop our 
entire overseas trade, thanks to a fleet 
three times ours in strength, we are as 
good as powerless against England. 

So long as the British fleet remains 
intact there can be no thought of cross- 
ing to England with an army, and the 

19 



GERMANY AND ENGLAND 

most we could do would be to damage 
British commerce to a very limited ex- 
tent. These facts are not changed by 
the circumstance that the English peo- 
ple fear a German invasion — a fear 
which I am sure is not shared by the 
British Government. 

And where have we ever exhibited 
politically the slightest intimation of 
making war on England? The Triple 
Alliance has always been, as it was es- 
tablished to be, a coalition for defense 
alone. And where, I ask, have we Ger- 
mans ever violated an English right? 
Where have we opposed just English 
interests? By what concrete act have 

20 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

we ever exhibited a feeling of antag- 
onism toward England? 

The famous Krueger dispatch and 
the sympathy with the German people 
for the Boers in their losing fight for 
liberty — these probably constitute all 
the evidence that England could cite. 
But those were nothing more than ex- 
pressions of sentiment, in no manner 
an exhibition of partisanship. On the 
contrary, during the Boer war official 
Germany maintained a strict neutrality 
which indeed operated as friendly to 
England. 

That the heart of the German people 
was on the side of the oppressed 

21 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

sprung from a conscience which it is 
a good right of a people to possess, and 
whose voice it is no duty of theirs to 
silence. Yet for this we should expect 
to find understanding and sympathy 
especially in free America, which would 
have to renounce the very principles of 
its being if it were to take the part of 
the oppressor of a free people. 

Just as untrue as the claim that I 
urged war against England is the other 
claim that I held the attainment of Ger- 
man world-dominion to be the real and 
natural aim of German development 
and, therefore, also of German policy. 

This allegation can only be based 

22 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

upon a mistaken translation of what I 
have written or upon reliance on para- 
graphs here and there, separated from 
all connection with my true course of 
thought. 

World power, not world-dominion, 
expresses my true meaning. It is a 
fact that a chapter in my book is 
entitled *'World Power or Decline" 
— ("Weltmacht oder Niedergang"). It 
is, however, a great error to understand 
the word *Weltmachf' as "world-do- 
minion" or ''world-empire." Such a 
misunderstanding was easily avoidable 
by any who considered that the entire 
contents of my writing repudiates the 

23 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

idea of world-domination such as is 
admittedly the aim of England, and ad- 
vocates only the idea of world power — 
that is, an independent and autonomous 
position of consideration alongside that 
of the other great cultural nations of 
the earth. 

To this point I shall refer later in 
greater detail. Here I shall only dis- 
cuss the one point made in America 
against the German position, namely, 
my statement that a united stand by 
the Germans and the Irish in America 
might become politically advantageous 
to us, in view of the fact that the two 
strains of derivation represent, when 

24 



GERMANY AND ENGLAND 

united, a factor in the United States 
which the Government would have to 
take into account. 

Certainly no one who reads this par- 
ticular part of my book without bias 
can possibly find a justifiable point of 
attack here. Everyone who knows 
America even to a slight extent knows 
that all citizens of this great republic 
are, in the first place, Americans, and 
with that irremovable and unshakable 
loyalty they stand by the Republic on 
whose soil they have won the right to 
live, to whose welfare their efif or ts are 
devoted and their lives consecrated. 

Nevertheless, these citizens of vari- 
es 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

ous descent do not utterly deny the 
source of their blood, but with pardon- 
able affection cherish the language of 
their fathers, regard with affection the 
customs of their old home and are in- 
terested in its fate. No one fails to 
recognize the paternal nationality of 
the American-Irishman; the German- 
American is still recognizable, and 
those of more direct English descent 
pride themselves on their ancestry. 
These last have a lively sympathy for 
England, and consider it no violation 
of their love for their own country to 
work with all means toward the tight- 
ening of the bonds between their pres- 

26 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

ent fatherland and the country of their 
ancestors. No one in America thinks 
the worse of them for that; everybody, 
even in America, finds that perfectly 
natural. 

When, however, the Germans find 
themselves in political agreement, and 
especially when their political views 
coincide with those of the Irish — 
namely, in the opinion that it is no duty 
of the United States to take part in 
favor of England against Germany — 
why, then the entire press influenced 
by England hurls its attack. 

Only natural causes were pointed 
out. My harmless statement of the 

27 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

simple fact that coincidence of view be- 
tween Americans of German and Irish 
descent constituted a political factor 
which practical politics would not be 
likely altogether to disregard is inter- 
preted as a threat that plotting German 
politicians would attempt to exercise an 
authoritative influence upon the inte- 
rior destiny and upon the foreign pol- 
icy of the United States. As a matter 
of fact, I only pointed out that natural 
causes, quite outside of the manipula- 
tion of scheming politicians, operated 
to bring about within the United States 
a political grouping which was an ele- 
ment in the situation. 

28 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

Of course, if simple statements of 
matters of fact, matters of fact which 
may not be neglected in any intelligent 
discussion among serious-minded peo- 
ple endeavoring to marshal the factors 
of a problem, are to be taken up in this 
way and interpreted as aggressive and 
sinister expressions, why, discussion 
ceases. If public opinion in America 
is so prejudiced against Germany that 
it imports into calm scientific state- 
ments like these of mine meanings 
which are not there, prejudice may 
justify itself and strengthen itself, but 
it will do nothing toward attaining the 
truth. 

29 




CHAPTER III 

F, therefore, the manner in which 
my writings are being used 
in order to create sentiment 
against Germany must be branded as 
thoroughly unjustified, this is only an 
illustration of the manner in which a 
large part of German literature is be- 
ing drawn upon in order to adduce evi- 
dence that Germany long ago planned 
war against England and that for years 
the only thought that has stirred the 
soul of the German people has been 
that of destroying England's world- 

30 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

dominion and replacing it by a German 
world-empire. 

A collection, fascinatingly written, 
of German expressions which are made 
to serve the purpose of promoting mis- 
understanding between Germany and 
the United States is furnished in a book 
entitled "Germany and England,'' writ- 
ten by the late J. A. Cramb, professor 
in Queens College, London, the Ameri- 
can edition of which is enhanced by a 
preface written by an ex-American 
Ambassador to England, Mr. Joseph H. 
Choate. 

It is worth while to discuss some- 
what in detail the contents of this re- 

31 



GERMANY AND ENGLAND 

markable book, especially in view of the 
fact that it preserves the appearance 
of impartiality; that in a certain sense 
it does justice to the importance of 
England, and for these reasons, of 
course, is taken the more seriously. 

Nevertheless the book is, in so far 
as it deals with conditions in, and the 
aims of Germany, utterly untrust- 
worthy. It is a work written with the 
avowed purpose of furnishing an argu- 
ment for general obligatory military 
service in England. It therefore pic- 
tures the dangers threatening England, 
especially from Germany, in the black- 
est of colors. 

32 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

It is probable that Professor Cramb, 
under the influence of his ruling pur- 
pose, really believed what in brilliant 
words he confided to these pages; the 
book even bears the stamp of a cer- 
tain internal conviction. The author, 
however, clearly began the study of 
Germany with prejudiced mind ; he has 
read into German literature whatever 
he wanted to find therein, and he has 
interpreted the life and aims of the 
German people from fhe standpoint of 
his predetermined conclusion; he has 
nowhere entered into the depths of 
things ; the true German nature has re- 
mained a closed book to him, even 

33 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

though he has given, in certain phases, 
an almost complimentary picture of 
Germany. 

Being anxious to make obligatory 
military service palatable to the Eng- 
lish, he, of course, cannot picture in an 
unfavorable light conditions in a coun- 
try which has inaugurated such service. 
On the contrary, he is obliged to pic- 
ture them as model conditions, and he 
really does that in so far as it serves 
his purpose. But his statements are 
transformed for the purpose of argu- 
ment. 

Professor Cramb also takes up my 
book "Germany and the Next War.'' 

34 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

The American edition of Professor 
Cramb's book bears on its cover the 
legend, ''Bernhardi Answered." It is 
to ''Germany and the Next War" that 
he gives his principal attention. The 
tendency of his mind is revealed in his 
habit of completely transforming the 
sense of my statements in order to be 
able to use them in the spirit of his 
preconceived conclusion. 

He finds the chief interest of my 
words to consist in their alleged at- 
tempt to find a moral justification for 
war by Germany against England. "Is 
it possible to find any moral justifica- 
tion for a war upon England?" This is 

35 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

supposed to be the problem the answer 
to which forms the innermost purpose 
of my book. 

This, however, is a direct and an ab- 
solute misrepresentation. The putting 
of such a question, even to my own 
imagination, was altogether impossible, 
for the reason that I took the stand- 
point that Germany would not and 
should not attack England, but, on the 
other hand, that England would attack 
us! My book, therefore, felt no need 
of finding a moral justification for this 
war, though it did not fail to inquire 
how England would ever be able to 
justify ethically its attack upon us. (It 

36 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

is an attack for which we gave not the 
slightest just cause; the violation of 
Belgium's neutrality, employed by Eng- 
land as the pretext for the waging of 
the war planned long ago, was not com- 
mitted first by us ; France, England and 
Belgium themselves had violated this 
neutrality before ever a German soldier 
put his foot on Belgian soil.) 

It is true that I exhibited reasons 
which forced us to seek an extension 
of power; yet nowhere have I inti- 
mated, even by so much as a single 
word, that this should be done at the 
expense of England. Everywhere I 
emphasized the truth that we preferred 

37 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

to live in peace with England; that 
England, however, would not permit us 
free development, and that therefore a 
war would be unavoidable. Thus it 
has come to pass in reality. England 
has attacked us in a most unjustifiable 
fashion for the purpose of checking our 
political and economical development. 

Professor Cramb entirely alters the 
sense of my book by translating my 
alternative, "Weltmacht oder Nieder- 
gang,'" which, correctly translated, 
means "World-Power or Decline," with 
the words, "World-Dominion or 
Death." Every line in my book 
proves that I never thought of world- 

38 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

dominion by Germany, certainly that I 
never demanded world-dominion for 
her. Another instance, perhaps wor- 
thy of noting, of Professor Cramb's 
inaccuracy may be gathered from his 
remark: "Bernhardi's opinion of our 
commanders is written all over his 
books"; whereas, in fact, only in a sin- 
gle instance did I speak, and then only 
casually, of the higher military leader- 
ship of England. 

In a similar manner does Professor 
Cramb treat German literature in gen- 
eral, in so far as it is known to him — 
and to all appearances that is not far. 
Haeusser, Giesebrecht, Waitz, Mom- 

39 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

meen, Treitschke and others are pic- 
tured as if by their historical works 
and scientific discussions they had, 
either intentionally or unintentionally, 
endeavored to promote the idea of Ger- 
man world-dominion. 

Nothing could be further from the 
truth. It would seem to be an abso- 
lutely willful misconstruction of the 
work of these men. Science with us isi 
impersonal, and with us all historical' 
research aims at a detached impartial- 
ity as perfect as is possible for the 
human mind. Almost never is the 
work of German scientists or historians 

40 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

knowingly allowed to take on political 
color. 

Even Treitschke, to whom an entire 
chapter is devoted and who admittedly 
follows a decidedly national tendency, 
keeps thoroughly aloof from such top- 
ics as aspiration to world-dominion. 
By his inspired and inspiring writings, 
as well as through the living word of 
his lectures, Treitschke undoubtedly 
contributed to the promotion of Ger- 
man consciousness of herself anS to 
the fostering of the longing for inb 
creased political power; but that he 
dreamed any dream of German world- 
dominion is a pure invention by Pro- 

41 



GERMANY AND ENGLAND 

fessor Cramb. Treitschke was much 
too real and too sober a thinker for 
that. Treitschke also, like myself, was 
convinced that England would oppose 
with all its might the further develop- 
ment of Germany, so much so that we 
would have to reckon with her opposi- 
tion. Even from military considera- 
tions Treitschke looked upon the idea 
of a war of aggression against England 
with precisely as little favor as I look » 
upon it. 

But Professor Cramb cites even 
Goethe to establish proof of this lust 
for world-dominion on the part of the 

^ 42 



GERMANY AND ENGLAND 

Germans. The poet represents Faust 
as speaking thus to the earth: 

"Thou wak'st and stir'st in me a strong re- 
solve : 
"Toward highest being onward still to strive." 

Professor Cramb asks what Goethe 
meant by this ''highest existence," this 
highest ideal, and he answers instantly 
and easily, "World-dominion." It is 
certainly extraordinary that a man of 
intelligence and education should allow 
himself, even though through precon- 
ceptions, however strong, to be drawn 
into so groundless and frivolous a 
declaration ! 

The idea that Goethe had the thought 

43 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

of German world-dominion can scarcely 
be taken seriously. To make so un- 
founded a deduction from Faust he 
must have judged his readers entirely 
without knowledge of German litera- 
ture and German history. But then 
Professor Cramb felt that Germany 
had to be convicted of aggressive 
thoughts and an aggressive attitude 
toward England in order to justify the 
English policy of might; he felt it neces- 
sary that Germany for a long time 
past should have carried constantly in 
its mind this idea of attacking Eng- 
land and this hope of establishing its 

44 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

own world-dominion on the ruins of 
the British Empire. 

All this had to be prepared in ad- 
vance; consequently, Professor Cramb 
finds it necessary, and not a difficult 
task, to forget the greater part of Ger- 
man literature and to put into the little 
part with which he is acquainted 
thoughts and tendencies which it never 
had. That nobody in England could 
'^bring him to book" he knew very well, 
for practically nobody in England 
knows the German language, while so 
far as German literature is concerned 
there rules (Cramb says so himself) 
the most abysmal ignorance. But 

45 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

America, with its far deeper knowledge 
of German literature, surely will not be 
so easily fooled. One needs only to 
read the books mentioned by Professor 
Cramb in order to convince oneself that 
the professor has read them with an 
astonishing play of imagination. 

Completely also does he misjudge the 
motives which rule the innermost 
thoughts of the people of Gecmany. 



46 



CHAPTER IV 

FOFESSOR CRAMB believes 
Charlemagne's dream is alive 
to-day. He believes that the 
dream of empire, once in former times 
held, that the efforts at world-domina- 
tion made by Charlemagne of the Sax- 
on Emperors and by the Hohenstau- 
fens even to-day remains alive in the 
thoughts and dreams of the people. 
Nothing could be further removed from 
the truth. Of course, in poetry as well 
as in the souls of the people, in some of 
its phases, the Barbarossa fable lives, 

47 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

the thought that the buried Emperor 
will, at the appointed time, emerge from 
the Kyffhaeuser where he sleeps, and 
will renew the power of the German 
Empire. But then the fulfillment of 
this dream is held to have occurred in 
the presence of Emperor William I. 
Nothing is further from German 
thought than to see in this legend the 
idea of world-dominion; on the con- 
trary, only the most general concep- 
tions of power and imperial glory are 
blended with the fading memory of the 
past. 

In German schools, Greek and Latin 
history is taught more thoroughly than 

48 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

German history ; and when German his- 
tory is taught it is always pointed out 
how the German nation, with its one- 
time tendency toward world-dominion, 
had strayed from its proper paths; the 
chief interest of the present in German 
history is found not in those false ten- 
dencies, but rather in the contest 
against the idea of a dominating re- 
ligious Empire. It is the memory of 
the struggle for spiritual freedom, and 
not the worldly aims of the earlier im- 
perial days, that are to-day able to stir 
to its depths the soul of the German 
people. 

Just as erroneous as is the effort to 

49 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

prove the vanished Middle Age idea oi 
empire a living thing in modern Ger- 
many are Professor Cramb's ideas as to 
the religious tendencies which move our 
people to-day. Here, too, one notices 
the intention to find among Germans 
the disposition to violence ; for instance, 
to picture our politics as influenced by 
Nietzsche's "master and slave moral- 
ity," and to be permeated by the Na- 
poleonic thought of world-conquest. 
All this is the most absolute perversion 
of the truth. 

Professor Cramb overestimates tre- 
mendously the influence of Nietzsche 
in Germany. This writer's attempt to 

50 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

supplant the altruistic morals of Chris- 
tianity by the ethics of egotism and 
self -striving, the morality consisting of 
the self-assertion of superior mortals, 
is, it is perfectly true, being studied in 
Germany. It is absurd, however, to 
claim that the teachings of Nietzsche 
have overwhelmed the conscience of 
the German people or that they influ- 
ence German politics. Such an asser- 
tion could only be made by one who 
lacks all comprehension of the German 
mind, and he has only learned to know, 
and that superficially, an isolated circle 
of so-called ''young Germany," polit- 

51 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

ically and philosophically more or less 
unripe! 

Even more adventurous than this 
overestimation of Nietzsche, yet in 
close connection with it, is the inven- 
tion of "Napoleonism/' which is pic- 
tured as ruling Berlin to-day and as 
possessing in the atmosphere of that 
city "something of the clearness and 
consistency of a formulated creed." It 
is asserted that a deep reverence is 
growing up in Germany "for the creed 
and the religion'' toward which this 
great and solitary spirit . . . strug- 
gled." And the professor rises to a 
phrase which, however resounding, is, 

52 



GERMANY AND ENGLAND 

if one knows Germany, altogether ab- 
surd: "Corsica, in a word, has con- 
quered Galilee!" Where, except in his 
own brain, can Professor Cramb possi- 
bly have discovered these ideas? 

In Germany, as a matter of fact, 
there is no Napoleonism, in Professor 
Cramb's sense, at all. As a general, 
we admire Bonaparte; for his mental 
powers we esteem him; and as soldiers 
we try to learn from him; but for his 
ego-religion, which, it is true, bears a 
certain resemblance to Nietzsche's 
ideas — in Germany, aside perhaps from 
a few unripe spirits and youthful sky- 
stormers, there can be found no appre- 

53 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

ciation. The creed is absolutely op- 
posed to the German idea, to which 
everywhere service to the cause stands 
superior to service to the person; in 
which altruism has become second na- 
ture; in which true greatness is exhib- 
ited in honest work and in unselfish 
devotion to ideal aims; opposed abso- 
lutely to the German nature, which, 
since the amazing development of the 
Prussian state and the coincident revival 
of the German Empire, has learned 
fortitude in misfortune and generosity 
in victory, has learned self-control from 
its long past, marked by tragic disaster 
and splendid success, and to-day fol- 

54 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

lows only aims within the realm of 
possibility. 

An earnest desire is felt for reli- 
gious freedom throughout Germany. 
There is indeed penetrating the best 
souls of our nation a deep impulse. It 
is not, however, one which finds its 
expression either in Napoleonism or in 
the ideas of Nietzsche, but in a truly 
religious field; in the striving of the 
individual for spiritual freedom. This 
striving finds its inspiration in Chris- 
tian morals from which the husks of 
bygone time have been stripped, and in 
an enlightened patriotism, a determined 
resolution to secure for the German 

55 






G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

nation that position alongside of the 
other great cuhural nations which cor- 
responds to its spiritual importance. 
Neither a new world religion nor a 
new world-dominion is sought in 
Germany. 

If one wishes to describe the Ger- 
man idea in brief words probably it can 
hardly be better done than by those 
of Longfellow: 

"Not enjoyment and not sorrow 
Is our destined end or way, 

But to act that each to-morrow 
Find us farther than to-day. 

Let us then be up and doing 
With a heart for any fate, 

Still achieving, still pursuing, 
Learn to labor and to wait." 

56 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

Professor Cramb's book, in so far as 
it professes to be a description of Ger- 
man conditions and an exhibition of the 
German idea, is a falsehood from be- 
ginning to end, a falsehood set forth in 
brilliant words, and in part possibly an 
unconscious falsehood, but a falsehood 
nevertheless. 



57 



CHAPTER V 

JUST as in pretending to judge Ger- 
many Professor Cramb falls into 
complete error, so, when he con- 
siders England, does he exhibit pecu- 
liar illusions. Here he displays a pic- 
ture, shining, ideal, magnificently con- 
ceived, sketched in scintillant verbiage. 
But yet one is obliged again and again 
to ask oneself whether, in the face of 
naked truth, he could really have be- 
lieved what he wrote in pages like 
these : 

*'To give all men within its bounds 

58 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

an English mind; to give all who come 
within its sway the power to look at 
the things of man's life, at the past, at 
the future, from the standpoint of an 
Englishman; to diffuse within its 
bounds that high tolerance in religion 
which has marked this empire from its 
foundation; that reverence, yet bold- 
ness, before the mysteriousness of life 
and death characteristic of our great 
poets and our great thinkers; that love 
of free institutions, that pursuit of 
even higher justice and a larger free- 
dom, which, rightly or wrongly, we 
associate with the temper and charac- 

59 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

ter of our race, wherever it is dominant 
and secure." 

Thus does Professor Cramb picture 
the beautiful aims of British imperial- 
ism, while Germany is accused not only 
of aiming at a merely material world- 
dominion, but even at a dominion of 
merely German intellect and German 
culture. 

While this supposed purpose is rep- 
resented as one that must lead to war 
with England for the reason that it 
could be established only upon the ruins 
of the British Empire, no mention is 
indulged of the fact that the British 
dream can be realized only by the de- 

60 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

struction of Germany, whose spiritual 
ideals and mental habits are in many 
ways inconsistent with British stand- 
ards. It is a prerogative, self -claimed 
as a matter of course for English 
world-empire, that all human beings are 
to be pressed into the English pattern 
and raised to look at everything in the 
world from the standpoint of an Eng- 
lishman. 

Assuredly it is a great and daring 
conception to attempt to make the 
whole world English, a conception 
which Lord Rosebery once expressed; 
yet the conception conceals a gigantic 
self-deception and is in itself so full of 

6i 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

contradiction that the world need 
hardly be expected to take it seriously. 

Where would remain the higher free- 
dom and justice, when human beings 
throughout that part of the world 
which the British Empire dominates 
should think and feel as Englishmen? 
Where then would remain the free de- 
velopment of national individualities; 
where the just representation of varied 
interests if the British standpoint alone 
is to rule? 

How can that country prate of 
higher freedom and justice which for 
centuries has held Ireland enslaved; 
which for low mercenary motives 

62 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

robbed the Boers of their freedom, 
granting them finally a certain measure 
of self-government only because — ac- 
cording to English testimony — Eng- 
land was unable to conquer them abso- 
lutely in a military sense ; * which by 
treachery and brute force subjugated 
India and for selfish purposes exploited 
it ;** which in Egypt stands in the way 

* (Erskine Chilslera: War and the arm 
blanche '*To . . . aim at so cowing the Boer 
national spirit, to gain a permanent political 
ascendancy for ourselves, was the object be- 
yond our power. ... To achieve . . . 
peaceable political fusion under our own flag, 
was the utmost we could secure. That meant 
conditional surrender on the promise of fu- 
ture autonomy.") 

** India is claimed to pay alone about four 
hundred million marks for the pensioning of 
English officers and officials. 

63 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

of cultural development because there- 
in lies no direct advantage or gain for 
England; which keeps the Fellahs in 
virtual slavery; which, in an hour of 
perfect peace and without a glimmer 
of justification, seized possession of the 
free Malay States; which, wherever 
Germany tried by honest means to in- 
crease its colonial possessions and its 
sphere of influence without violating 
even a shadow of an English right, in 
East Africa, in the Pacific and in Mo- 
rocco, opposed Germany's natural de- 
velopment with threats of war; which 
to-day in the United States, through 
the aid of an influenced press and news 

64 



\ 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

agencies helplessly dependent upon the 
British Foreign Office, lays its heavy 
hand upon public opinion, distorting 
the events of every day, suppressing 
the truth, disseminating falsehoods, in 
a calculated effort to make this free 
land subservient to English interests 
and to the English standpoint; which 
everywhere spreads the ridiculous 
claim that a strong and independent 
nation of Germans would be a danger 
to America and would violate the Mon- 
roe Doctrine in spite of the fact that 
our interests everywhere are common 
with those of America; which every- 
where attempts to brand German mili- 

6s 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

tarism, which has only a defensive sig- 
nificance, as a constant challenge to 
combat, while yet it remains silent as 
the tomb on the subject of the English 
sea-militarism, which controls the en- 
tire maritime intercourse of the world; 
which raises no word against the mili- 
tarism of Russia and France; which 
for years has been planning, together 
with France, Russia and Belgium, as is 
now proved, this war of aggression 
against Germany ; which attempted also 
to draw Holland into the plot, and 
which finally, without justification and 
without reason and with only the first 

66 



GERMANY AND ENGLAND 

excuse which could be hastily snatched, 
has attacked Germany! 

How convincing and beautiful in the 
ears of every impartial being must 
sound the professions of that England 
which for centuries past has ruthlessly 
pursued a policy of self-interest, has 
been deaf and blind to the rights of 
neutrals, wherever its own interests 
were concerned — these professions 
which chant of higher freedom and jus- 
tice, hymn its own love for peace, raise 
paeans to the noble aims of its own 
politics ! 

But, of course, higher liberty and 
true justice may be — Professor Cramb 

67 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

gives his own word for it — aspired to 
only where the English race rules ab- 
solutely, 'Vherever it is dominant and 
secure." English dominance, there- 
fore, is the essential preliminary for the 
realization of all that is good. 

Higher liberty can be found only 
where England rules. Here also 
emerges the true meaning of many 
things which are hidden from the eyes 
of the ignorant mob. Liberty means 
the liberty of the ruling nation to do 
its will upon subjugated states; free- 
dom means the freedom of the rich to 
suppress the poor; justice in its higher 
meaning is the justice which the master 

metes out to his slaves. 

68 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

All this England clearly teaches us. 
The love of peace, which England so 
ardently professes, is to be understood 
in the same sense. Of course England 
wants peace, and it needs peace, in or- 
der to solve according to its own mind 
and for its own benefit the multitudi- 
nous problems of its widely inconsistent 
mastery of subject races and territo- 
ries; but only peace under English 
domination, peace within the sphere of 
its own word and under the police over- 
sight of its fleet. Whenever a people 
or state will not humiliate themselves 
to this order of things, but attempt 
to develop independent, autonomous 

69 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

power, as, for instance, Germany dares 
attempt it; or wherever a territory at- 
tracts England's cupidity, as did the 
Boer republics, there England's love 
for peace ceases. It is perhaps through 
this much-lauded love of peace that the 
mass of English people have long since 
become unused to the bearing of arms, 
but hordes of mercenaries, from all 
parts of the world, are impressed to 
supplement the hired arm which with 
tremendous efforts is slowly raised to 
champion the cause of higher liberty 
and a true justice. 

If one should desire to compare the 
aims and efforts of England with those 

70 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

of Germany, and to express this com- 
parison briefly and pregnantly in single 
words, the word for England would be 
dominion, and for Germany — liberty. 

Whoever studies the history of Ger- 
many since the breakdown of the old 
empire and the triumphs of the papacy 
at the end of the Hohenstaufen era 
will soon be convinced that its essen- 
tial element was a struggle, not for 
world-conquest, as is claimed by British 
misrepresentations, but for spiritual 
and political liberty. As far back as in 
the Roman days the Germans were 
fighting for freedom and independence ; 
for that they fought and won their vic- 

71 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

tories in the Teutoburger Forest. 
Then, of course, came the time when 
the Germans in overflowing strength 
poured out over neighboring lands and 
did try to extend their sway over the 
continent. In that effort the German 
people went on the rocks, and they have 
never since come back to the idea. 

In the age of the great discoreries, 
when the curtain was being withdrawn 
that so long had hidden the remoter 
regions of the globe, Germany, it hap- 
pened, was involved in great religious 
wars. It therefore missed its chance 
to take part in the partition of the 
earth. Its destiny in those years was 

72 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

to lay the foundation for religious lib- 
erty upon which rests to-day the entire 
culture of the world. Then, in long 
wars that brought heavy losses, it de- 
fended itself against the Spanish and 
French lust for conquest and defended 
the world of culture against the Mos- 
lem invasion. Under Frederick the 
Great, Prussia, then the seat of Ger- 
man intellectual liberty, fought not only 
to maintain its existence as a State, 
but also to secure liberty of independ- 
ent development against the united 
strength of a retrogressive world-con- 
ception. 

With heart and soul Prussia's great 

n 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

King at the same time stood on the side 
of the American champions of liberty. 
Later, when Napoleon thought to es- 
tablish a French world-dominion, it 
again was the Prussian and the Ger- 
man people who took up the sword for 
the liberty of Europe, and with heroic 
effort broke the chain of slavery which 
the Corsican had forged. England did 
fight bravely at Waterloo, but that bat- 
tle was to a large extent won by Ger- 
man and Dutch troops, just as the vic- 
tories of Wellington against Napole- 
onic dominion in Spain were won by 
troops the greater part of whom were 
German. 

74 



GERMANY AND ENGLAND 



MANY WARS IN NINET^E^NTH CENTURY 

Then came the wars of the nine- 
teenth century. In 1866 Prussia fought 
for and won Germany's independence 
from Austrian domination. In 1870 it 
defended itself against France's at- 
tempted violations, and in the struggle 
attained its freedom and its imperial 
unity on French soil. 

And now the war of to-day ! 

Like all great struggles of Germany 
since the age of the Reformation, it is 
a war for liberty and independence — 
and this time from the yoke of Eng- X 
land. 

75 



GERMANY AND ENGLAND 

Together with Russia, a land of des- 
potism unworthy of human nature, 
and with France, thirsting for revenge, 
England, this land which claims as its 
own private property all liberty, all jus- 
tice, all spiritual superiority, has con- 
spired to overthrow and destroy Ger- 
many, which never violated England's 
rights. And why? O nly be cause Ger- 
man commerce seems to be growing 
burdensome to England; the increasing 
German fleet, called into being solely to 
protect German commerce, seems to be 
growing dangerous, and the expand- 
ing vigor manifested by the German 
people seems to threaten the world-do- 

76 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

minion of Great Britain. Therefore, 
it calls its legions from barbarous 
Africa and Mongolian Asia in order to 
have them slaughtered for England's 
sake, because England, in spite of its 
European allies, feels too weak to fight 
the war, unjustifiably begun, to a vic- 
torious conclusion. 

Against this world in arms Germany 
and Austria heroically stand alone. 
Cut off from world traffic and only 
trusting to their own strength, they are 
fighting not alone for their own right 
to live their national lives in independ- 
ence and liberty, but at the same time 
fighting the cause of all nations for the 

77 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

freedom of the seas from the yoke of 
British naval supremacy, and for the 
autonomous right of all states which 
heretofore were obliged — as Belgium, 
for instance, was obliged — to bow to 
the behests of English domination. 

No, not the dream of world-domin- 
ion is the ever-inspiring thought in Ger- 
man literature, but the striving after 
freedom in the fields of religious, of in- 
tellectual and of political development. 
From Von Hutten and the intellectual 
heroes of the Reformation down to 
Lessing and Schiller, liberty is the lead- 
ing motive. In the wars of independ- 
ence, with their inspiring poets, the 

78 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

thought of freedom takes even a loftier 
ascendancy, while from our great his- 
torians, from Schlosser and Haeusser 
to Treitschke, the ideal of liberty has 
been the bright guiding star of their 
thought and their work — never the 
longing for unjustifiable world-domin- 
ion: 

"Freiheit die ich meine, die mein herz erfuellt, 
Komm mit deinen Scheine, lichtes Engelbild." 

"Freedom, that's my longing, is my heart's 

delight. 
Bring to me thy halo, Angel image bright." 

So sings Max von Schenkendorf 
from the deepest heart of the German 
people. 



79 



CHAPTER VI 

WE never wanted war with 
England-how often shall 
I repeat it? Our only 
aim, our sole ambition, was to develop 
autonomously alongside of England. 
Always we have given full recognition 
to the importance of English culture; 
nothing would have been more to our 
taste than to work hand in hand with 
England for the progress of civiliza- 
tion and the advancement of mankind. 
Certainly no more complete proof of 
this could be asked than the history of 

80 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

the years during which we have with 
such care and patience kept the peace 
of the world; than the tireless efforts 
of our lofty-minded Emperor for the 
maintenance of good will among the 
nations. 

Now, however, when war has been 
forced upon us by England, we will 
fight to a finish with all the means of 
technique, with all the resources of the 
art of war, and on land and on sea, 
in the air and beneath the ocean, with 
all the heroism to which the German 
heart has steeled itself in long years of 
peaceful work; if necessary, to the last 
drop of blood, until England itself of- 

8i 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

f ers the hand for peace — England, 
which too late will realize how danger- 
ous it is to drive to the uttermost a 
patient and peaceful but not all-endur- 
ing nation like the German, which now 
will never lay down its arms until Eng- 
land shall have surrendered its self- 
assumed policy of world-dominion, 
shall have professed itself satisfied at 
last to be that which it is entitled to be, 
in honor and in peace, one of the great 
cultural nations alongside of other 
cultural nations. 

And should just fate give us victory 
in the war now raging, then shall an 
amazed world realize that we shall 

82 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

never attempt to build for ourselves a 
world-dominion upon the ruins of van- 
quished neighbor states. 

In the course of a history often un- 
happy and tragic, the lesson has come 
to us that the conquest of territory pop- 
ulated by strange people, that dominion 
over foreign nationalities, where prac- 
ticed to a large extent can never lead 
to healthy development; that the en- 
deavor to obtain even limited world-do- 
minion eats up the marrow of the peo- 
ple that undertake it and does not 
strengthen them. Long ago we real- 
ized also that the progress of civiliza- 
tion cannot rest upon the material or 

83 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

intellectual attainments of a single na- 
tion ; that on the contrary spiritual and 
intellectual competition of varied na- 
tional individualities is requisite to the 
attainment of the highest aims of hu- 
manity. 

If victory should come to us, as the 
progress of the war thus far permits 
us to hope, we, of course, will be anx- 
ious to strengthen the position and 
power of our own nation and that of 
our allies and friends in Europe in 
such a way that our existence as a state 
and our independence will never again 
be threatened, as it has been threatened 
in this war. This we owe to the count- 

84 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

less fallen heroes who have shed their 
blood for Germany's future. In what 
way that is to be done cannot as yet 
be told. It depends entirely upon the 
course of the events of the war. 

One thing, however, is certain. We 
shall never try to erect our power upon 
the shoulders of oppressed and subju- 
gated states. 

It is just as certain, also, that we 
should never think of assuming an an- 
tagonistic attitude toward America, 
much less dream of questioning the 
Monroe Doctrine. What advantages 
could we possibly expect from such be- 
havior? Visionaries talk of the con- 

8s 



G ERMANY AND ENGLAN D 

quest of Canada by the Germans and 
of the acquisition of other colonies 
upon the continent! 

How could such dreams, even if they 
were for a moment cherished, possibly 
be carried out? If we are so happy 
as to achieve an outlook for enduring 
peace at home on the advantages of 
victory, why nullify it by a policy of 
wild adventure abroad? 

Whence would come the enormous 
fleets essential in order to carry out 
an attack necessary against the enor- 
mous resources of the United States, 
or to maintain across the broad Atlan- 
tic a contact of communication between 

86 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

an attacking army and the home coun- 
try? A soldier finds it very difficult, 
indeed, seriously to consider such 
ideas, which are the creation of 
thoughtless prejudice and blind hatred. 
Politically an absurdity, and from the 
military viewpoint a ridiculous impossi- 
bility, dreams like this belong only to 
the sphere of bar-room discussion. 

German militarism constitutes no 
menace to America. The idea that the 
so-called German militarism — which, 
as a matter of fact, is an extravagant 
name for a system of citizen soldiery 
— might, in case of German victory, be- 
come a danger for the world in gen- 

87 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

eral, and especially for the American 
Continent, is equally groundless. 

The German social and state idea, 
with its grouping together of the mili- 
tary forces of the country, like the well- 
planned organization of our civil life, 
was born in the dangers which inhere 
in our geographical position. No edu- 
cated German will entertain the 
thought of attempting to impose on 
other states, or to picture as patterns 
applicable to all states conditions espe- 
cially required by our peculiar circum- 
stances; to force similar institutions 
upon states the geographical positions 
of which, and the economical and po- 

88 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

litical structures of which, are of dif- 
ferent complexions. The social and 
constitutional conditions, which have of 
imperative necessity developed in the 
course of our often tragic history, are 
extremely different, for instance, from 
those of a nation built up on lines such 
as those which the United States of 
America has followed in its develop- 
ment. 

In this fact, however, surely there 
lies no reason for animosity on either 
side. Nobody in Germany thinks of 
exerting unjustified influence upon 
America; our victory in Europe would 
never mislead us into the political, the 

89 



GERMANY AND ENGLAND 

military and the anti-social stupidity of 
suggesting for America aims which 
would be unnatural to the interests of 
the United States; our purpose, if the 
victory be ours, will be an entirely dif- 
ferent one. For us victory would be a 
new command to respect American 
interests, especially as we would have 
to expect on the other hand that 
America would not interfere disturb- 
ingly with our sphere of interests. 

To all other nations, moreover, our 
good wishes would go forth, and our 
endeavors would be directed, for their 
free and independent development, in 
order that their best traits, which can 

90 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

thrive only in freedom, might be devel- 
oped, together with our ov^n, for com- 
mon contribution toward world-wide 
peace and the furtherance of the high- 
est problems of humanity. 

This we consider a more beautiful 
and a more worthy aim than that of 
England, to fill all mankind with the 
English spirit. Such an aim is, indeed, 
the most congenial to the German 
nation, which Treitschke delineates in 
the words: 

''Depth of thought, idealism, cosmo- 
politan views; a transcendent philoso- 
phy which boldly oversteps (or freely 
looks over) the separating barriers of 

91 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

finite existence; familiarity with every 
human thought and feeling; the desire 
to traverse the world-wide realm of 
ideas in common with the foremost in- 
tellects of all nations and all times. All 
that has at all times been held to be 
characteristic of the Germans and has 
always been praised as the privilege 
of German character and breeding." 

From the United States we expect 
neither direct nor indirect help in this 
gigantic struggle for existence. Long 
ago we understood that the only vic- 
tories attained through its own strength 
count in the history of a nation. We 
shall therefore light our battle to the 

92 



GE RMANY AND ENGLAN D 

finish alone, with German iron and 
with German blood. 

Should there really be in the United 
States no comprehension of the epic 
importance and the significance for 
civilization of the heroic struggle which 
Germany to-day is compelled to wage 
against an entire world in arms? For 
my part, too highly do I esteem the 
American people to allow myself to be- 
lieve that there can be, or can long 
endure there, such a total lack of 
understanding. 



93 



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